The Portuguese State doesn’t know how many it kills

It was an ordinary night, with no plans beyond having a drink in Bairro Alto, a popular Lisbon night spot. Anyone who knows the area knows that the neighbourhood’s appeal lies in being able to be outside chatting, whether at the entrance of or meandering between bars. And this is what we were doing, having a good time, so much so in fact that a passing light-fingered friend dared to make off with the coat and bag that one of our group had placed on a nearby car. The victim was a big guy who was old enough to know better; however, he is an absent-minded soul who has the terrible habit of leaving his belongings all over the place. So, our next stop was Travessa da Água da Flor, 33, otherwise known as the Bairro Alto Police Station.

While my friend formally reported the theft, I occupied myself reading leaflets, looking at the contents of the glass cases and walking up and down, until some pictures on one of the walls caught my eye. From a distance, I had imagined they were pictures of former police commanders or chiefs. But when I went over to read the captions, I saw they were something else. “To our former colleague, António da Cruz, treacherously murdered in a stabbing on the Rua do Norte. 2.08.[19]25”; “Luís Manuel Barata Fernandes. Treacherously murdered in a stabbing on the Rua do Diário de Notícias, Lisbon. 29.01.[19]78”; “Alexandrino Ramos Correia. Treacherously murdered in a shooting, on the Rua da Sociedade Farmacêutica, Lisbon. 28.01.[19]82”. In all, five agents from this police station were killed while working. It was sort of an epitaph that every day reminds those on shift of the dangers of the profession.

I confess, I didn’t expect it. Especially since I had spent the previous month collecting data for a piece on the opposite theme: civilians killed by security forces. DIVERGENTE is part of the European Data Journalism Network, EDJNet, a platform comprising 34 independent media outlets from 22 countries, which produces collaborative, data-driven features. In this case, we participated in an investigation with the Spanish outlet CIVIO, who wanted to understand the number of people who had died in police-related incidents (in custody or in police operations) in Spain and throughout Europe. In Spain, they investigated the period from 2015 to 2022; Europe-wide it was only possible to reconcile the numbers for the period between 2020 and 2022.

Of the 27 EU Member States, half responded to the CIVIO information requests, although some were incomplete. Criteria for collecting and classifying deaths vary between countries, as the investigation methodology notes explain. Even so, a total was obtained for the three years under analysis. 488 civilians died in police-related incidents across 13 countries.

France, Ireland and Spain reported the highest numbers of civilians killed by police forces between 2020 and 2022. Portugal ranked second from the bottom, with six civilian deaths recorded, all shootings. Firearms were the most common cause of civilian death by security forces in the states analysed.

The numbers for Portugal were obtained from the Inspectorate General for Internal Affairs (IGAI) annual reports. This was in September. Before the faits divers of my friend’s coat and bag theft (on 11 October), and before what would happen ten days later, in the early hours of 21 October: Odair Moniz, a 43-year-old Cape Verdean, was shot dead by a Portuguese police officer, in the Cova da Moura neighbourhood in Amadora (city in the northwest of the Lisbon Metropolitan Area).

Odair lived with his family in the Zambujal neighbourhood of the same municipality. His killing and the initial justifications made by the police sparked weeks of riots that spread to other neighbourhoods throughout Greater Lisbon. Heated debates in the media, a protest against police violence and that called for justice for Odair, and a counterprotest “in defence of the police” took place. It brought back memories of other controversial deaths at the hands of the police: Kuku, MC Snake, Musso…

At DIVERGENTE we wanted to look back over the last 20, 30 years and find out how many people had died as a result of actions by the security forces during that time. On the flip side, we also wanted to find out how many police officers had died on active duty.

We dove back into the IGAI reports. First, we should note that the “police of all police”, as it is known, is a recent phenomenon. It was created in 1995, but only entered into operation halfway through 1996, during António Guterres’ first term as Prime Minister. Every year the IGAI publishes an activity report that, by law, must receive “ministerial approval”.

The reports from 1996 to 2023 report that, during this 28 year period, the Portuguese security forces and services killed 80 people. The Public Security Police (the Portuguese civil police force, PSP) killed 49 people, the National Republican Guard (the Portuguese gendarmerie, GNR) killed 30 and the National Immigration and Border Service (SEF) — now dissolved — killed one. The 1990s and 2000s were the deadliest decades; 2003 marked the peak with six deaths recorded. There is no data relating to deaths caused by other forces, such as the Portuguese Criminal Investigation Police (PJ) or the Maritime Police (PM).

Throughout this long period, reports frequently apply different methodologies, styles and formats. Sometimes, data relating to deaths in previous years is only confirmed much later, namely in relation to which police force caused the deaths, or information about the total number of deaths. We confronted the IGAI about these discrepancies. We wanted to know the circumstances surrounding the deaths, if there are records of any disciplinary actions (or criminal, where deemed relevant), of the officers involved in each case, among other things. At the time of publishing this newsletter, we had heard nothing from the Inspectorate General of Internal Affairs beyond a telephone call to acknowledge receipt. As regards a timeline for a more detailed response: “We can’t say”.

We also analysed every issue of the Annual Internal Security Report (RASI), responsibility of the Secretary-General of the Internal Security System (SSI), which serves to coordinate all the security forces and services in Portugal.

Annual Internal Security Reports (RASI) were first published in 1991 and must be presented to the Portuguese parliament. Again, the methodology and data provided vary and there are inconsistencies between the RASI and the IGAI numbers for deaths caused by security forces. Between 1996 and 2023, the RASI only mention 49 civilian deaths, in comparison with 80 in the IGAI reports. In nine of the 28 years there are no references to civilian deaths at all.

In contrast, as it is published, the RASI always reports on officers killed during active duty. Even though PSP police officers are only included from 1996 onwards. So, between 1996 and 2023, 46 members of the security forces and services were killed on active duty: 28 from the GNR, 14 from the PSP, two from the PJ, one from the PM and one from the SEF.

The office to the Deputy Secretary-General of the Internal Security System, Manuel Silva Vieira, confirmed the data, clarifying that reporting was the responsibility of the police institutions.  The office confirmed that the Internal Security System (SSI) does not have a database of members of the security forces killed during active duty and that “it is not the responsibility of the SSI or the Secretary-General to apply or implement operational measures” to reduce these deaths, and that any further questions should be directed to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Manuel Silva Vieira emphasized his “regret for the deaths in question”.

We also questioned the PSP, the GNR and the PJ directly (because they are the largest forces in terms of staff) about the number of officers killed on active duty between 1996 and 2023.
The PSP reported 16 officers. But the RASI reports 14.
The PJ reported two officers killed: one in 2000 and one in 2001. The RASI also identified two, but in different years: 2011 and 2022.
The GNR did not officially confirm the numbers, but reported that “the data included in the RASI, in relation to the GNR, is valid and is publicly available”. The RASI report 28 deaths.

As you can see, the numbers don’t add up.

With the above exercise, we are not seeking to incite anger, we want to start a new conversation. What measures have been taken to prevent these deaths?

In one way or another, the State is responsible. Whether because it failed to properly train those who carry arms and who should know how to use them (their use is well defined by law); or because it failed to protect the people who, in its name, exercise violence and end up dead in dangerous situations. That is true despite accepting that misfortunes can occur, and exceptions exist. For example, from the moment state officers leave the house for work, they are on duty. If an officer is involved in a fatal car accident, their death will be counted, even though it is not linked to police operations.

The fact is that the State doesn’t know, unequivocally, how many of its officers die, nor does it know how many of its citizens it kills. There is no public listing where these cases can be verified. To find out their names, age, causes of death. And what happened afterwards.

Fifty years on from the 25 April Carnation Revolution, such a brazen lack of transparency is intolerable, even with a drink in hand.

Original source: https://mailchi.mp/divergente/portuguese_state_doesnt_know_how_many_kills_police_civil